Can You Feel It?

The French government’s decision to introduce a minor ecological tax on gasoline in 2018 sparked widespread anger, resulting in a three-year protest movement known as 'the yellow vests'. Research proves that anger and frustration about the government are more important predictors of support for populist parties than any socio-economic variables, including income, age, or level of education. Evidence shows that fear of getting the COVID-19 virus largely influenced people’s support for pandemic-related governmental measures, including lockdowns and mask wearing. According to data, when citizens show more proud for their country, they are more likely to pay taxes. Studies abound on the role of emotions causing hostility between opposing political camps in many countries. 'Affective polarisation' is the term used to describe this phenomenon, which has been proven to undermine democratic norms, decrease policy effectiveness, and even hinder economic growth.

These and other examples illustrate the point that emotions play an important role in politics and they may even affect policymaking. Seemingly useful measures and regulations may be difficult to implement if large segments of society reject it out of anger, contempt, or resentment provoked by either the content of the measure or the way it was passed. Since declining policy effectiveness on the long run undermines social wellbeing, the stakes are high.

The MORES project has undertaken a three-year journey to shed light on several aspects of the political and policy-related importance of emotions. Our specific approach puts the moral emotions in the focus of our efforts. Moral emotions are generally defined as emotions associated with the interests or welfare either of society as a whole or at least of persons other than the judge or agent. Another trait distinctive of moral emotions is that they tend to elicit pro-social behaviour. To illustrate the point: if I get angry with one clumsy person who inadvertently stepped on my feet and start arguing with him, my anger won’t qualify as a moral emotion. But if my anger towards the government is fuelled by a perception of societal injustice and I join a demonstration against it, my feeling will count as a moral emotion.

Disregarding the emotional needs of citizens may indeed lead to declining trust in, and support for, democratic politics; while ‘overemotionalisation’ may result in the impossibility of deliberation, the growth of tribal politics and, ultimately, the disintegration of the democratic polity.

The choice to focus on moral emotions has two reasons. First, a simple and evident one: because moral emotions are important in politics. Politics is about collective actions and collective decisions and the emotions triggered by politics naturally tend to have a social dimension. The second, and more particular reason is that moral emotions form political identities – as such, they have a vast potential both to unite and divide people. If someone self-identifies as “green”, “feminist” or “conservative”, they probably believe that their chosen political community represents important and legitimate values and has emotions linked to these values, such as fear and worry about the future of the planet, anger about the injustices inflicted on women, and pride about being member of their national community.

MORES will study how moral emotions, especially positive ones, help stabilise political identities, and how they, especially negative ones, trigger division and polarisation. But, beyond better understanding the political role of moral emotions, MORES seeks to develop tools, policy proposals and, generally speaking, practical knowledge to deal with emotions in politics. We believe that both decision-makers and citizens should be more conscious and reflective about how they feel.

Why? Because there are two extremes when weighing emotions in politics. On the one hand, many believe, with good reason, that emotions make political debates and rational political discourse difficult or even impossible, and therefore they should be avoided. However, dodging and negating the emotional aspects of politics and citizens’ affective needs may lead to an “affective disconnect” of citizens from politics. Examples include political disinterest, cynicism, declining trust in democratic institutions and support for populist, anti-system parties and movements. On the other hand, some politicians exploit this situation, filling this affective void and instrumentally “overemotionalising” politics. Political actors overemotionalise the debate when they rely on “morality politics”. That is, when they legitimise controversial policy proposals on, for example, family, gender, immigrants or health issues through moral emotions such as pride, contempt, and anger at the expense of rational deliberation and policy evidence. It seems that, while distant representative institutions and technocratic governance have a kind of alienating effect on many citizens, emotional entrepreneurs exploit this situation and offer emotionally loaded political identities, discourses, and solutions, which often explicitly aim at undermining the legitimacy of democratic values and institutions. This is especially true for politicians with a populist or illiberal inclination.

The normative stance of the project is that both extremes should be avoided. Disregarding the emotional needs of citizens may indeed lead to declining trust in, and support for, democratic politics; while ‘overemotionalisation’ may result in the impossibility of deliberation, the growth of tribal politics and, ultimately, the disintegration of the democratic polity. While focusing on the politics of moral emotions and their role in moralised political identity formation, MORES will reflect on the dual tendencies of affective disconnect and ‘overmemotionalisation’, which remain largely unknown, and develop recommendations and policy tools supported by our normative stance. By exploring how our emotions unite society, we can enhance a driving force.

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